Tabula Peutingeriana: Codex Vindobonensis 324. Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1976.]]>
http://www.euratlas.net/cartogra/peutinger/
]]>Carleton Library, Special Collections (Horizontal Shelving) G1026.P4 W4 1976]]>
- Mapa de Nueva Galicia: Estado de Jalisco (1550)
- Mapa del Pueblo de Tetela de Ocampo (1581)
- Plano de Antequera: Oaxaca de Juárez (1771)
- Plano de Guanajuato (XVIII century)
This one in particular is a city view of the settlement Tetela de Ocampo in Puebla.
Visually, the map is drawn in portrait -- taller than it is wide. It places emphasis on the geography surrounding the cityscape: blue-gray chains of what appear to be mountains or hills or bluffs go throughout the landscape, together encircling five basin- or valley-like areas of exaggerated buildings painted in yellow. The largest basin is centralized, in the upper half, with smaller ones to its upper and lower left, as well as the upper and lower right. There is no compass rose to orient cardinal directionality.
Churches in particular are emblematically depicted large and outstanding from their surroundings, the largest of which being near the center, drawn as if made of brick, and captioned underneath as: "San(c)ta [sic] Maria Assump(ción)". The caption "Tetela" appears above the church, with a miniature priest standing behind it holding a book -- presumably a bible -- in hand. There is a second person in this central area towards the left of the church -- wearing a cloak and with staff in hand. These are the only two persons not drawn as travelling on the roads that weave through the map. Those roads are shaded reddish-brown, and feature caravans of men with horses and individual men. They are captioned, with the road to the right of the map being the "Camino real de México".
All persons depicted on the map appear to be Spanish, and are clothed in Spanish dress.
There appear to be rivers depicted as wavy lines sourcing from hills/mountains and heading outwards. They are not coloured. The trees are generally depicted the same with the exclusion of the bottom left, which is populated by palms, and the top right, which has no trees, possibly depicting a desert or marsh with rolling designs in the land.
The art style of map is indicative of either non-Indigenous origin, or the production by an adherent to a European school of art -- possibly from a religious order such as the Jesuits. Therefore, it is likely intended to serve as an interpretable depiction of the area to Europeans unfamiliar with indigenous Mesoamerican cartography, from which this map differs heavily. (see Buisseret, David. 2007. „41 - Spanish Colonial Cartography, 1450 –1700“. In The History of Cartography. Vol. 3, Pt. 1)
As referenced, there is a footnote written upon a small uncoloured area of the map at the base.
While the commissioner, and various then-contemporary correspondents who commented upon this map are known, it's creator, to my knowledge, has not as of yet, been identified. The owner/custodian of the original map from which the facsimile is made has also not been described.
The writer of commentary for the fascimile collection is quoted as the following, translated by self into English:
« It has the signature M. P. Mexico, 31 and comes from file 1529 of the "Indiferente General". Pen drawing and colored with watercolor in ochre and gray tones, measuring 443 x 703 mm. It was commissioned by the corregidor Don Cristóbal Godínez y Maldonado on July 9, 1581, and was sent to Spain along with an informational report that is also preserved in the General Archive of the Indies. P. Lanzas Torres described it in his "Catalog of Maps and Plans of Mexico. General Archive of the Indies" (Madrid, 2nd ed. 1985, p. 34).
Of the towns called Tetela that have endured since the Spanish era, we must identify the one represented in our map as the one called Tetela de Ocampo (State of Puebla) due to the series of towns that appear around it: San Pedro de Hueytentlán, San Juan Tututla, etc. Each town is represented with a larger building, which, due to the cross crowning it, refers to the church, surrounded by smaller houses. Rivers and roads are well depicted, and along them appear travelers and pack mules loaded with their bundles.
The footnote says: "This head town of Tetela has four hundred and fifty neighbors, not counting more than a hundred old men who live outside. And it was signed by the corregidor Juan Gonçáles (signature). By order of the corregidor, Marcos del Cuenca, scribe." »
(Anton-August "Ashton" Macklin '27)]]>9 July, 1581]]> General Archive of the Indies (Archivo General de Indias), Seville
Ministerio de Educación, Cultura, y Deporte Española, Madrid (Spanish Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sport)
Emilio Olmos García-Calamarte (como representante legal de: / as a legal representative of:) Testimonio Compañia Editorial, S.A.
TEyPE, S.A., Sauce, 30. Torrejón de Ardoz, Madrid
José Manuel Ruiz Asencio, Catedrático de Paleografía de la Universidad de Valladolid (Professor of Paleography at the University of Valladolid)]]> https://bibliotecadigital.rah.es/es/consulta/registro.do?id=62218]]>“Mapa del Pueblo de Tetela de Ocampo, año 1581.” In Mapas de México en el Archivo de Indias Sevilla. Madrid: Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte, 2002.
Facsimile Finder. “Mapas de México, Archivo de Indias Facsimile.” Accessed October 16, 2024. https://www.facsimilefinder.com/facsimiles/mapas-de-mexico-archivo-indias-facsimile.
]]>Carleton Library Special Collections (Horizontal Shelving)(G4411.A1 1550 M3 2002) https://bridge.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01BRC_INST/1tn7c8c/alma991016542481902971 ]]> This unsigned map has highly contested authorship. Charles de La Ronciere attributed it to Christopher and Bartholomew Columbus, though others have suggested it may have been commissioned rather than created by them, or the creator may have only had an indirect connection to the Columbus brothers. The map was created sometime between 1492 and 1500, based on the limits of geographic discoveries and the political demarcation of a Spanish flag in Granada.]]>http://expositions.bnf.fr/marine/grand/por_013.htm]]>http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b59062629]]>
Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Galicia. “Carte marine de l'océan Atlantique Nord-Est, de la mer Baltique, de la mer Méditerranée et de la mer Noire, accompagnée d'une mappemonde circulaire.” Accessed June 4, 2018. http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b59062629/f1.item.r=carte%20christophe%20colomb.zoom
Astengo, Corradino. “The Renaissance Chart Tradition in the Mediterranean” In The History of Cartography, Volume 3, edited by David Woodward, 174-177. Chicago: University of Chicago, 2007.
La Carta De Cristóbal Colón: Mapa Portulano, Ca. 1492-1500. Barcelona: M. Moleiro Editor, S.A., 1995.
Siebold, Jim. “The Christopher Columbus Chart.” Map Index #257. Last updated May 28, 2018. http://www.myoldmaps.com/late-medieval-maps-1300/257-the-christopher-columbu/257-columbus.pdf ]]>Carleton Library Special Collections Map (Map, Rolled) G3201.P5 1492 .C3 1995]]>
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]]>Liber Physiognomiae is not primarily a text of physiognomy but rather astrology, describing the prevailing belief that the position and movement of heavenly bodies could be used as an accurate predictor of future events.
The manuscript is best known for its descriptions of the destiny of both men and women born under the influence of each zodiac sign. Accompanying these descriptions is a personification of each zodiac sign’s ruling planet, that is to say the planet considered to hold dominion over each horoscope, flanked by a man and woman. The depiction of each planet seems based upon their pagan namesake. For example, Saturn, named after the ruler of the ancient titans who preexist the gods, is shown as a wizened, stately figure. These depictions also bear iconographical similarities to a number of frescoes in Padua’s Palazzo della Ragione created during a period of renewed interest in both ancient Greek and Arabic astrology potentially spurred by the influence of Pietro d’Abano (1257-1315 CE), an Italian native and well known astrologer.
Pietro d’Abano is also associated with many other aspects of the Liber Physiognomiae. He wrote at least one section on healthy eating, and he potentially compiled many of the texts that make up the manuscript over a century before this copy was made circa 1440.
Pietro was an interesting contributor to the field of astrology during his time, ascribing far more importance to the medical value of astrology than many of his contemporaries. He was also frequently associated with the occult both during and after his life, a condemnation that led him to appear twice before the Inquisition in both Paris and Padua, as well as the posthumous burning of his body.
The manuscript that we see was penned by three different scribes with its recipient likely a member of Ferrara’s Este family. This connection is based upon the text (which is written in Latin) as well as the relatively well-rendered state of the book itself, but remains far from absolute as there is no concrete evidence of the book’s ownership before the 18th century. Still, there is strong evidence that the Etse family did place real value on the results of astrological divination with Marquess Leonello d'Este (1407-1450 CE) famously changing his wardrobe’s color scheme in response to the current planetary ruler.
The most eye-catching aspect of the volume are the two volvelles positioned on the front and back pages of the manuscript. These volvelles would be used to calculate various items of astrological significance with the front volvelle operating as an astrolabe for the calculation of latitude and the back volvelle being used to calculate the timing of sunrise and sunset. Though the earliest volvelles date around the mid to late 13th century, well before the illumination of the Liber Physiognomiae, the use of volvelles for astrological calculations is a relatively later innovation, the history of which places the Liber Physiognomiae as a fairly early adopter of the technology, preexisting the 16th century boom in astrological volvelles.(Theo Greiff)]]>Liber physiognomiae, ed. by Paola Di Pietro Lombardi. Modena: Il Bulino, 2000.]]>Liber physiognomiae at Facsimile Finder]]>JLIS.it 10: 2 (May 2019): 1-27. DOI: 10.4403/jlis.it-12534.
Rutkin, H. Darrel. "Astrology in Society, Politics and Culture" in Sapientia Astrologica: Astrology, Magic and Natural Knowledge, ca. 1250-1800 , pp. 423-464. Vol. 1. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-10779-6_11.
Smoller, Laura Ackerman. "Review of Médicine, Astrologie et Magie Entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance: Autour de Pietro d’Abano.” Aestimatio : Critical Reviews in the History of Science. 10 (2015):319–29. https://doi.org/10.33137/aestimatio.v10i0.26045.]]>Special Collections (Books, Quarto) (BF1726 .L53 2000)]]> Upon first viewing the map, most viewers will be quick to notice the unique shape that the world inhabits, resembling an almond or a human eye. This shape is quite unique to maps of this era, and some researchers like Gerda Brunnlecher have analyzed its possible meaning. In a 2013 paper which analyzes the Genoese World Map, Brunnlecher speculates that its almond-like shape could have come about for a variety of reasons. Most notably, she speculates that the map’s almond-like shape could possibly be traced to the concept of the “mandorla,” an almond-shaped outline used in medieval European art to represent divinity. Most frequently, Christ himself is depicted as surrounded by a mandorla, leading Brunnlecher to posit that in the Genoese World Map, “the frame might signify that the world is Christ’s domain.”
Yet, Brunnlecher also writes that the map itself is unique due to its lack of obvious Christian imagery. One defining feature of medieval mappaemundi is their portrayal of both space and time as existing within one defined plane. This can commonly be seen in many mappaemundi through their on-map depictions of the fabled Garden of Paradise, or through the imposition of divine figures (such as angels or Christ himself) outside of the map’s frame. Notably, the Genoese World Map includes neither of these features, and also does not center itself on Jerusalem, as many other mappaemundi do.
The Genoese World Map also places emphasis on conveying supposedly contemporary political knowledge (and legendary tales) through its use of visual imagery paired with Latin text. The Asian section of the map is replete with Mongolian rulers, most notably the “Great Khan” sitting cross-legged in what appears to be China. However, by the time of this map’s production in 1457 the Mongols’ influence over Asia had waned, and the Ming Dynasty had ruled China for nearly a century! This reflects the limits of European knowledge of Asia in the 15th century, which appears outdated to modern readers of the map.
The Genoese World Map also draws on the influence of portolan charts for its depiction of the Mediterranean Sea, which may appear to modern viewers as the “most accurate” section of the map. Portolan charts were commonly used by sailors throughout the era to navigate the often treacherous Mediterranean Sea, and the map’s outline of the Mediterranean can be understood as an inclusion of the portolan chart model in a mappamundi context. Furthermore, the map also features the inclusion of numerous rhumb lines, which were utilized by sailors to help navigate their ships. While the Genoese World Map was unlikely to have been used by sailors in navigation, the inclusion of this information gives us more insight into the mapmaker’s production process and the sources that they utilized.
Woodward, David. n.d. “Medieval Mappaemundi.” In The History of Cartography, 286-370. Vol. 1. N.p.: The University of Chicago Press. https://press.uchicago.edu/books/HOC/HOC_V1/HOC_VOLUME1_chapter18.pdf.]]>Carleton College Special Collections; G3200 1457 .M37 2008]]>
With very little attention to physical locations, intricate illustrations fill all of the land. The only locations labeled are coastal cities. The water is in striking visual contrast with the land, with navigational lines of portolan chart influence. The focus on navigation on the water indicates that these maps were likely used primarily for water navigation. However, the visual appeal is theorized to mean that they were often displayed on big tables for communal viewing.
The illustrations on the land are primarily scenes of people. The dress of the people vary by map, indicating knowledge of cultural differences around the world. The first map in the Atlas is thought to be of the east coast of Australia, and the illustrations are of an indigenous group. They are portrayed in a village, and there are people in and around it doing various things such as riding horses and working. Other maps include castles and royalty as well.
The illustrations in the water are also important in the context of map making at the time. Along with the typical portolan chart lines of navigation, there are compases, ships, and animals in the water. The maps are primarily oriented with south facing up, but the compases have a bigger north arrow facing the bottom of the page. Among the animals and boats there is a wide variety of stylistic choices, based on geography. Some of the creatures are mystical and exaggerated, while others are real and simple. The decisions made in the illustrations give insight into the degree of knowledge that Persians had of the rest of the world at the time. (Mia Beeman-Weber 2024)]]>
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]]> To the right is a portolan chart of the Mediterranean that includes the Portuguese discoveries in Africa as far as the Gulf of Guinea. On the left is a small circular map of the world, which reflects European geographical knowledge at the very beginning of its exploration of the Americas. The cosmography is inscribed in nine celestial circles, which fits with the prevailing geocentric conception of the universe of the time.
The only humans depicted are two warring figures in what might be modern-day Mali or Niger, one holding a spear and shield and the other a bow.
The map has been attributed to Christopher Columbus, but this remains a highly controversial claim.]]>La carta de Cristóbal Colón: mapa portulano, ca. 1492-1500. Introduction by José Luis Comellas. Barcelona: M. Moleiro Editor, S.A., 1995.]]>
https://www.raremaps.com/gallery/detail/56928/portolan-on-vellum-the-disputed-christopher-columbus-port-m-moleiro-editor-sa [offers a high resolution digital
copy]
https://images.cnrs.fr/en/video/6877]]>History of Cartography, vol. 3, edited by David Woodward, 174-262. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007.
"Utopie - La Carte De Christophe Colomb." expositions.bnf.fr/utopie/grand/2_27.htm.]]>Carleton Library Special Collections Map (Map, Rolled) G3201.P5 1492 .C3 1995]]>
Satan’s head and upper body is shown in frontal view within the dark circle at the center of the page, like an icon. Satan is depicted as a hairy monster with three faces and taloned wings on either side of its human-like abdomen. Each of Satan’s blood-smeared faces is in the middle of consuming naked human bodies, which drip with blood and are labeled with Italian names. The faces on either side are eating the human bodies leg-first, so that the humans’ arms and screaming heads drape out of its mouths. Satan’s middle face has completely engulfed the top-half of a human, and its arms hold the remaining legs steady as it stuffs the human’s waist into its mouth. Despite being mostly consumed, the human’s feet still brace against the demon’s chest in resistance. Satan’s two visible eyes face forward to the viewer, and its expressions seems to frown and scream.
Dante and Virgil are portrayed in two places, both outside but touching the circular diagram. In the upper left corner, Virgil is shown bringing Dante into a dark arched doorway, presumably leading down to Hell. In the lower left, Dante and Virgil are shown sliding on their bellies out the mouth of a tube, toward a small blue circle in the corner of the page. The portrayal of Dante and Virgil together in two different moments on the page is characteristic of the medieval illustration style of demonstrating moments occurring in more than one space and time within one image. The page is slightly transparent, so the large blue illustration on the other side of the page shows through slightly.
Ella Stack 22’
]]> Brieger, Peter H., Millard Meiss, and Charles Southward Singleton. Illuminated Manuscripts of the Divine Comedy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1969. Print.
Schulze Altcappenberg, Hein-Th., and Sandro Botticelli. Sandro Botticelli : the Drawings for Dante’s Divine Comedy . London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2000. Print.
Hamel, Christopher De. A History of Illuminated Manuscripts. London: Phaidon, 1994. Print.
Harley, J. B., David Woodward, Mark S. Monmonier, and Mary Sponberg Pedley. The History of Cartography Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987.]]>Special Collections (Folio) (PQ4301 .A1 1965)]]> Mountain ranges in all the areas are marked by raised lumps: in Ireland and Wales, there appear to be more clusters of mountains than in Scotland and England, whose mountains appear in lines. Small islands around Ireland and to the left of Scotland are labeled either as individual islands or as island groups. Beneath England lies the Mare Britanicum, or British Sea. Though cut off, the map also depicts the northernmost coastal region of France. The detailed features made it the most accurate map of the area to date.
The map was a New Year’s gift and has become a rather famous representation of King Henry VIII’s realm. The map is on parchment and measures 65 by 45 centimeters. The map hung in Hampton Court, Henry VIII’s most famous residence, and displayed some of England’s biggest rivals, namely Scotland and France, along with the kingdom itself.
In his introduction to the facsimile, Peter Barber notes how this map represents not only the King’s preoccupations, but his ambitions as well, which included attempting to subjugate Scotland. He also allied with Charles V of Spain and declared war on France, following the Pope’s decree for Spain and France to invade England after Henry VIII split from the Catholic Church. Margaret Lachman '21]]>
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]]>Maps and Views Blog. British Library.
]]>Carleton Library Special Collections Map (Map, Rolled) (G5741 .S45 1536)]]>
This illustration of Magdeburg is one of the thirty-two realistic town views included in the incunable. This illustration covers the bottom half of a two-page spread below German text. The woodcut itself depicts the city of Magdeburg spreading up from the banks of the river Elbe on which it sits. A large ship sits in the water, as well as a mill with two wheels and two figures on docks. Turreted walls surround the city at the water’s edge. Behind it, each building has been rendered with careful detail, including landmarks of the city such as several gothic churches, a statue, and buildings with towers. These landmarks seem to have been highlighted because of their slightly larger than realistic size. In the background beyond the buildings a pastoral area is visible. There is some damage along the middle of the spread where the two pages meet, but the woodcut is in otherwise good condition. (Astrid Steiner-Manning ‘22)
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Nuvoloni, Laura. “Nuremburg Chronicles” University of Cambridge Digital Library, Treasures of the Library. Accessed April 23, 2021, https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/PR-INC-00000-A-00007-00002-00888/404.
]]>Peter H. Meurer, “Cartography in the German Lands, 1450-1650.” In The History of Cartography Vol. 3, edited by David Woodward, 1193-1194. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007.